Pengasingan di Amerika Syarikat

Pengasingan di Amerika Syarikat


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Pengasingan adalah amalan yang memerlukan perumahan, pendidikan dan perkhidmatan lain yang berasingan untuk orang-orang yang bermutu. Pengasingan dibuat undang-undang beberapa kali di Amerika abad ke-18 dan ke-19 kerana ada yang percaya bahawa orang kulit hitam dan putih tidak dapat hidup berdampingan.

Menjelang pembebasan orang-orang yang diperbudak di bawah Pindaan Ketiga Belas, para pemansuhan berhujah tentang bagaimana nasib hamba sebaik sahaja mereka dibebaskan. Satu kumpulan berhujah untuk menjajah, baik dengan mengembalikan orang-orang yang sebelumnya diperbudak ke Afrika atau membuat tanah air mereka sendiri. Pada tahun 1862 Presiden Abraham Lincoln mengiktiraf negara bekas budak Haiti dan Liberia, dengan harapan dapat membuka saluran untuk penjajahan, dengan Kongres memperuntukkan $ 600,000 untuk membantu. Walaupun rancangan penjajahan tidak berjalan lancar, negara tersebut, sebaliknya, berjalan di jalan pemisahan yang diamanatkan secara sah.

Kod Hitam dan Jim Crow

Langkah pertama menuju pemisahan rasmi datang dalam bentuk "Kod Hitam." Ini adalah undang-undang yang disahkan di seluruh Selatan mulai sekitar tahun 1865, yang menentukan kebanyakan aspek kehidupan orang kulit hitam, termasuk di mana mereka dapat bekerja dan hidup. Kod-kod tersebut juga memastikan ketersediaan orang kulit hitam untuk buruh murah setelah perhambaan dihapuskan.

Segregasi segera menjadi kebijakan rasmi yang ditegakkan oleh serangkaian undang-undang Selatan. Melalui apa yang disebut undang-undang Jim Crow (dinamai sempena istilah penghinaan untuk orang kulit hitam), para pembuat undang-undang memisahkan segala-galanya dari sekolah ke kawasan perumahan hingga taman awam hingga ke teater hingga kolam ke perkuburan, suaka, penjara dan rumah kediaman. Terdapat ruang menunggu berasingan untuk orang kulit putih dan orang kulit hitam di pejabat profesional dan, pada tahun 1915, Oklahoma menjadi negeri pertama yang bahkan memisahkan bilik telefon awam.

Kolej diasingkan dan terpisah institusi Black seperti Universiti Howard di Washington, D.C. dan Fisk University di Nashville, Tennessee diciptakan untuk memberi ganti rugi. Virginia's Hampton Institute ditubuhkan pada tahun 1869 sebagai sekolah untuk pemuda kulit hitam, tetapi dengan pengajar kulit putih mengajar kemahiran untuk menurunkan orang kulit hitam dalam kedudukan perkhidmatan kepada orang kulit putih.

BACA LEBIH LANJUT: Bagaimana Kod Hitam Terhadap Kemajuan Afrika Amerika Selepas Perang Saudara

Mahkamah Agung dan Segregasi

Pada tahun 1875, Dewan dan Senat yang dikendalikan oleh Republik meluluskan undang-undang hak sivil yang melarang diskriminasi di sekolah, gereja dan pengangkutan awam. Tetapi rang undang-undang itu hampir tidak dapat dikuatkuasakan dan dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Agung pada tahun 1883.

Pada tahun 1896, Mahkamah Agung memutuskan Plessy lwn Ferguson pengasingan itu bersifat perlembagaan. Keputusan itu menetapkan idea "terpisah tetapi sama." Kes itu melibatkan seorang lelaki berlumba-lumba yang dipaksa duduk di dalam kereta api yang diperuntukkan Hitam di bawah Louisiana's Separate Car Act.

Pengasingan Perumahan

Sebagai sebahagian dari gerakan pemisahan, beberapa kota menerapkan undang-undang pengezonan yang melarang keluarga kulit hitam berpindah ke blok dominan putih. Pada tahun 1917, sebagai bagian dari Buchanan lwn Warley, Mahkamah Agung mendapati pengezonan tersebut tidak berperlembagaan kerana mengganggu hak milik pemilik.

Dengan menggunakan celah dalam keputusan itu pada tahun 1920-an, Setiausaha Perdagangan Herbert Hoover membuat jawatankuasa pengezonan persekutuan untuk meyakinkan lembaga tempatan untuk meluluskan peraturan yang menghalang keluarga berpendapatan rendah berpindah ke kawasan berpendapatan sederhana, usaha yang mensasarkan keluarga Hitam. Richmond, Virginia, memutuskan bahawa orang dilarang tinggal di mana-mana blok di mana mereka tidak boleh menikahi mayoritas penduduk secara sah. Ini mendorong undang-undang perkahwinan kaum anti-campuran Virginia dan secara teknikalnya tidak melanggar keputusan Mahkamah Agung.

Pengasingan Semasa Penghijrahan Besar

Semasa Penghijrahan Besar, antara tahun 1916 dan 1970, enam juta orang Afrika Amerika meninggalkan Selatan. Sebilangan besar bergerak ke timur laut dan melaporkan diskriminasi dan pemisahan serupa dengan apa yang mereka alami di Selatan.

Pada akhir tahun 1940-an, masih terdapat kemungkinan tanda-tanda "Hanya Putih" pada perniagaan di Utara. Sekolah dan kawasan sekitar yang terpisah ada, dan bahkan setelah Perang Dunia II, aktivis Hitam melaporkan reaksi bermusuhan ketika orang kulit hitam berusaha untuk berpindah ke kawasan kulit putih.






Buku Hijau: Panduan Pelancong Hitam ke Jim Crow America

Pengasingan dan Pentadbiran Kerja Raya

Usaha Pentadbiran Kerja Raya untuk membina perumahan bagi orang-orang yang kehilangan tempat tinggal semasa Kemelesetan Besar memfokuskan pada rumah untuk keluarga kulit putih di komuniti kulit putih. Hanya sebilangan kecil rumah yang dibina untuk keluarga Hitam, dan rumah-rumah tersebut hanya terbatas pada masyarakat Hitam yang terpisah.

Di beberapa bandar, komuniti yang disatukan sebelumnya diruntuhkan oleh PWA dan digantikan oleh projek yang terpisah. Alasan yang diberikan untuk polisi ini adalah bahawa keluarga Hitam akan menurunkan nilai harta benda.

Lapisan Merah

Mulai tahun 1930-an, Lembaga Bank Pinjaman Rumah Persekutuan dan Perbadanan Pinjaman Pemilik Rumah bersekongkol untuk membuat peta dengan kawasan yang ditandai sebagai risiko buruk untuk gadai janji dalam amalan yang dikenali sebagai "lapisan merah." Kawasan yang ditandai dengan warna merah sebagai "berbahaya" biasanya menggambarkan kawasan kejiranan Hitam. Jenis pemetaan kemiskinan tertumpu kerana penduduk (kebanyakannya Hitam) di kawasan kejiranan berbaris merah tidak mempunyai akses atau hanya mendapatkan pinjaman yang sangat mahal.

BACA LEBIH LANJUT: Bagaimana Program Perumahan Perjanjian Baru Diperakukan Pengasingan

Amalan ini tidak akan berakhir sehingga tahun 1970-an. Kemudian, pada tahun 2008, sistem "red-lining red", yang memberikan kredit dengan syarat tidak adil dengan pinjaman subprima, menghasilkan kadar penyitaan yang lebih tinggi di kawasan kejiranan Black semasa krisis perumahan.

Pengasingan Perumahan

Pada tahun 1948, Mahkamah Agung memutuskan bahwa keluarga Hitam berhak untuk pindah ke rumah mereka yang baru dibeli di kawasan yang tenang di St. Louis, walaupun ada perjanjian sejak tahun 1911 yang melarang penggunaan harta tanah di kawasan itu oleh " mana-mana orang yang bukan dari kaum Kaukasia. " Dalam Shelley lwn Kramer, peguam dari Persatuan Nasional untuk Kemajuan Orang Berwarna (NAACP), yang diketuai oleh Thurgood Marshall, berpendapat bahawa membenarkan perjanjian harta tanah putih sahaja bukan sahaja salah dari segi moral, tetapi tersasar secara strategik pada masa ketika negara itu berusaha mempromosikan agenda bersatu dan anti-Soviet di bawah Presiden Harry Truman. Aktivis hak sivil melihat kes mercu tanda ini sebagai contoh bagaimana memulakan perangkap pemisahan yang tidak semestinya di peringkat persekutuan.

Tetapi sementara Mahkamah Agung memutuskan bahawa perjanjian-perjanjian putih sahaja tidak dapat dilaksanakan, lapangan permainan harta tanah hampir tidak diratakan. Akta Perumahan tahun 1949 diusulkan oleh Truman untuk menyelesaikan kekurangan perumahan yang disebabkan oleh tentera yang kembali dari Perang Dunia II. Undang-undang itu memberi subsidi kepada perumahan orang kulit putih sahaja, bahkan menetapkan bahawa keluarga Hitam tidak dapat membeli rumah walaupun dijual. Program ini secara berkesan mengakibatkan pemerintah membiayai penerbangan putih dari bandar-bandar.

Salah satu komuniti yang hanya terkenal dengan warna putih yang diciptakan oleh Housing Act adalah Levittown, New York, yang dibina pada tahun 1949 dan diikuti oleh Levittown lain di lokasi yang berbeza.

Pengasingan di Sekolah

Pemisahan anak-anak di sekolah awam dihancurkan oleh Mahkamah Agung sebagai tidak berperlembagaan pada tahun 1954 dengan Brown v. Lembaga Pendidikan. Kes itu pada mulanya diajukan di Topeka, Kansas setelah Linda Brown yang berusia tujuh tahun ditolak dari sekolah-sekolah yang serba putih di sana.

Pendapat susulan menyerahkan pembuatan keputusan kepada pengadilan tempatan, yang memungkinkan beberapa daerah menentang pemisahan sekolah. Ini menyebabkan pertarungan di Little Rock, Arkansas, pada tahun 1957, ketika Presiden Dwight D. Eisenhower mengerahkan pasukan persekutuan untuk memastikan sembilan pelajar Hitam memasuki sekolah menengah setelah Gabenor Arkansas Orval Faubus memanggil Pengawal Nasional untuk menyekat mereka.

Ketika Rosa Parks ditangkap pada tahun 1955 setelah menolak menyerahkan tempat duduk basnya kepada seorang lelaki kulit putih di Montgomery, Alabama, gerakan hak sipil mulai bersungguh-sungguh. Melalui usaha penganjur seperti Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr dan protes yang dihasilkan, Akta Hak Sivil ditandatangani pada tahun 1964, melarang diskriminasi, walaupun pemisahan adalah proses yang perlahan, terutama di sekolah.

BACA LEBIH LANJUT: Bagaimana Boneka Membantu Menang Brown v. Lembaga Pendidikan

Krisis Bas di Boston

Salah satu insiden anti-integrasi terburuk berlaku pada tahun 1974. Keganasan meletus di Boston ketika, untuk menyelesaikan masalah pemisahan sekolah di kota, pengadilan mewajibkan sistem bas yang membawa pelajar kulit hitam dari sekolah Roxbury ke South Boston, dan sebaliknya .

Negara ini telah meluluskan undang-undang Penghapusan Keseimbangan Kaum pada tahun 1965, tetapi diadili oleh pengadilan Katolik Ireland. Polis melindungi pelajar kulit hitam ketika beberapa hari keganasan berlaku antara polis dan penduduk Southie. Orang-orang kulit putih menyambut bas dengan penghinaan, dan keganasan selanjutnya meletus antara penduduk Southie dan membalas orang Roxbury. Pasukan negara dipanggil hingga keganasan reda setelah beberapa minggu.

Pengasingan pada Abad ke-21

Segregasi berterusan pada abad ke-21. Kajian menunjukkan bahawa sementara orang ramai menyokong sekolah bersepadu, hanya satu pertiga orang Amerika yang mahu campur tangan kerajaan persekutuan untuk menegakkannya.

Istilah "sekolah apartheid" menggambarkan sekolah-sekolah yang masih ada, sebahagian besarnya terpisah, di mana orang kulit putih merangkumi 0 hingga 10 peratus daripada badan pelajar. Fenomena tersebut mencerminkan pemisahan kediaman di kota dan masyarakat di seluruh negara, yang tidak diciptakan oleh undang-undang perkauman secara terang-terangan, tetapi oleh peraturan tempatan yang menargetkan minoriti secara tidak proporsional.

Sumber

Dicap Dari Permulaan: Sejarah Definisi Idea Rasis di Amerika oleh Ibram X. Kendi, diterbitkan oleh Bodley Head.
Kes untuk Perbaikan oleh Ta-Nehisi Coates, The Atlantik.
Membongkar Pengasingan oleh Gary Orfield dan Susan E. Eaton oleh New Press.


Pengasingan Kaum dalam Tentera A.S.

Perang Kemerdekaan Orang keturunan Afrika telah mengambil bahagian dalam setiap perang A.S. Memang, Revolusioner kulit hitam berkhidmat sebelum jajahan menjadi sebuah negara, dalam Perang Kemerdekaan. Budak-budak Afrika-Amerika dan orang bebas akhirnya berkhidmat di kedua-dua pihak dalam konflik itu. Kira-kira 5,000 askar berkulit hitam di kedua-dua jajahan utara dan selatan dianggarkan berkhidmat bahu-membahu dengan rakan-rakan kulit putih di Tentera Kontinental. Sekurang-kurangnya 20,000 orang kulit hitam berkhidmat dengan British. Orang kulit hitam berkhidmat di milisi utara pada awalnya, tetapi dilarang ke Selatan, kerana budak-budak takut kepada senjata dari hamba. Lord Dunmore, Gabenor Diraja Virginia, mengubahnya dengan mengeluarkan proklamasi pembebasan pada November 1775, yang memberikan kebebasan kepada pelarian yang akan memperjuangkan British. Sir Henry Clinton, komandan Britain di New York, mengeluarkan perintah serupa pada tahun 1779. Lebih daripada 100,000 hamba melarikan diri ke barisan Inggeris, tetapi mungkin hanya seribu orang yang dilayan dengan senjata. Banyak yang lain memainkan peranan bukan pertempuran. Lebih daripada separuh tentera hitam tentera British mati akibat Cacar. Masih banyak yang dihalau ketika makanan hampir habis. Majoriti tidak pernah diberi kebebasan. * Oleh kerana kekurangan tenaga kerja, Jenderal George Washington mencabut larangan pendaftaran orang kulit hitam di Tentera Kontinental pada bulan Januari 1776. Semua unit hitam dibentuk di Pulau Rhode dan Massachusetts. Banyak hamba bertugas sebagai tuan mereka. Satu lagi unit hitam tiba dari Haiti dengan pasukan Perancis. Sukarelawan kulit hitam berkhidmat dengan unit gerila Carolina Selatan - termasuk pasukan & # 34Swamp Fox & # 34 Francis Marion - kadang-kadang terdiri daripada separuh kekuatan pasukannya. Pejuang-pejuang kulit hitam terus berlanjutan setelah banyak rakan-rakannya yang putih dijatuhkan oleh malaria. Yang pertama kebal terhadap penyakit itu, bagaimanapun, berkat sel berbentuk sabit di aliran darah mereka. Perang 1812 Oleh kerana kekurangan tenaga kerja yang kronik selama Perang 1812, 25 persen skuad angkatan laut dikendalikan oleh rekrut Afrika-Amerika semasa Pertempuran Danau Erie. Walau bagaimanapun, undang-undang tahun 1792 yang melarang pendaftaran orang kulit hitam dalam tentera telah wujud hingga tahun 1862. Orang-orang Afrika Amerika abad ke-19 yang terkenal, termasuk pemimpin hak sivil Frederick Douglass dan W.E.B. DuBois, mendorong orang kulit hitam untuk mendaftar dalam tentera untuk menunjukkan keberanian dan kesetiaan, dan meningkatkan kedudukan mereka dalam masyarakat Amerika. Perang Mexico Semasa Perang Mexico, banyak tentera Afrika-Amerika berkhidmat sebagai pegawai pegawai. Askar dari Batalyon Lelaki Bebas Louisiana turut serta. Orang Amerika Afrika juga bertugas di kapal tentera laut. Perang Saudara Biasanya ditugaskan untuk unit buruh bukan tempur yang dipimpin putih, tentera Afrika-Amerika tetap sukarela bertugas dalam bidang pertempuran dan perubatan. Orang bebas dan pelarian mendaftar di bahagian Union. Lebih daripada 186,000 orang Amerika Afrika berkhidmat, terdiri daripada 163 unit. Banyak lagi yang bertugas di Union Navy. Rejimen Infantri Sukarelawan Massachusetts ke-54 menjadi terkenal. Salah satu unit hitam pertamanya, terdiri daripada budak kulit hitam yang dibebaskan dari negara-negara Utara, mendapat kemasyhuran pada 18 Julai 1863 dalam Pertempuran Battery Wagner, sebuah kubu Gabungan di sebuah pulau berhampiran Charleston, Carolina Selatan. Walaupun serangan Kesatuan yang tidak berjaya mengorbankan banyak korban, Syarikat C berjaya merebut sebahagian kubu. Ketua unit Kolonel Robert Gould Shaw terbunuh. Sarjan dengan warna juga terkena, tetapi Sarjan William H. Carney mengambil bendera. Setelah diperintahkan untuk berundur, Carney mengibarkan bendera sambil menghadapi api besar dan membawa baki lelaki ke parapet di mana dia menanamnya sebelum jatuh kembali. Dia cedera dua kali, tetapi selamat menjadi askar hitam pertama yang dihadiahkan Pingat Kehormatan (23 Mei 1900). Di pihak Gabungan, orang bebas dan hamba berkhidmat dalam kumpulan pekerja. Sama ada atau tidak untuk mempersenjatai mereka menjadi perdebatan. Pada 13 Mac 1865, kongres Gabungan menetapkan undang-undang untuk membenarkan pendaftaran orang Afrika-Amerika, tetapi hanya sedikit yang direkrut. Perang India Dari tahun 1870-an hingga 1900-an, unit Afrika-Amerika dikerahkan untuk memerangi Orang Asli Amerika. Kongres telah mengizinkan penciptaan rejimen Afrika-Amerika yang terpisah untuk tentera pasca perang, di bawah komando pegawai kulit putih **: Rejimen Kavaleri ke-9 dan ke-10 dan Rejimen Infanteri ke-38 hingga ke-41. Mereka terutama ditempatkan di Southwest dan Great Plains untuk membina kubu dan menjaga ketertiban di perbatasan dengan penjahat dan diduduki oleh penduduk asli Amerika yang memerangi perampas tanah. Unit berkuda hitam dikenali sebagai & # 34Buffalo Soldiers & # 34. Pasukan dipanggil oleh Cheyenne kerana kulit dan rambutnya yang gelap, serta kemampuan pertempuran. Akhirnya, rejimen bergabung ke Briged Kavaleri ke-4, yang dipimpin oleh jeneral hitam pertama Tentera Darat, Benjamin O. Davis Sr. Briged ini wujud selama tiga tahun sebelum semua rejimen berkuda berkuda dibubarkan. Tiga belas peserta dan enam pegawai dari empat regimen memperoleh Pingat Kehormatan semasa Perang India. Askar Kerbau juga berperanan dalam peranan bukan pertempuran. Perang Sepanyol-Amerika Askar Kerbau juga turut serta dalam Perang Sepanyol-Amerika dan menjaga perbatasan Mexico. Kedua-dua rejimen kavaleri bertempur di pulau Cuba, yang termasuk aksi di Bukit San Juan. John J. Pershing berbanding Pancho Villa Rejimen Kavaleri ke-10 berkhidmat di bawah J.J. Bergegas menentang Pancho Villa revolusioner Mexico pada tahun 1916. Semasa ekspedisi menghukum dan perang Filipina-Amerika, lima lagi Pingat Kehormatan diperoleh oleh orang Afrika Amerika. Perang Dunia I Orang Afrika Amerika tetap terpisah sepanjang perang ini. Ramai orang kulit hitam masih menjadi sukarelawan. Lebih daripada 350,000 orang Afrika Amerika berkhidmat dalam Pasukan Ekspedisi Amerika di bahagian barat. Sebilangan besar unit hitam diturunkan ke peranan bukan pertempuran. Walau bagaimanapun, Infantri ke-369 & # 34Hell Fighters dari Harlem & # 34 berkhidmat enam bulan lebih lama daripada unit lain. Mereka mendapat kemasyhuran kerana keberanian dan kecekapan dalam pertempuran, dianugerahkan gelaran tersebut Croix de Guerre oleh sekutu Perancis. Seratus tujuh puluh satu tentera memperoleh Legion of Merit pingat. Satu-satunya Pingat Kehormatan yang dihadiahkan kepada seorang askar berkulit hitam telah dihadiahkan selepas kematian kepada Freddie Stowers dari Rejimen Infantri ke-371 pada 24 April 1991. Perang Dunia II Ketika Perang Dunia II menjulang, AS menentang rejim fasis dan ideologi perkauman mereka, namun dianggarkan 10 peratus warganegara Afrika-Amerika tidak mempunyai hak dan peluang asas sivil. Bagaimanapun, dua setengah juta lelaki kulit hitam mendaftar untuk draf tersebut. Lebih dari satu juta akan berkhidmat di semua cawangan, termasuk 125,000 di luar negara. Di samping itu, ribuan wanita Afrika-Amerika secara sukarela menjadi jururawat tempur. Semasa serangan [: Pearl Harbour], satu Doris Miller, seorang penjaga tentera laut, berawak dan menembak (tidak terlatih) senapang anti-pesawat pada pesawat Jepun, yang menjadikannya serangan Palang Tentera Laut pertama. Afrika-Amerika memberi tekanan kepada pemerintah A.S. untuk kesetaraan kaum dalam angkatan bersenjata. NAACP, Urban League, dan organisasi lain berjaya meminta Gedung Putih dan tentera untuk menggabungkan sekolah calon pegawai dan memperluas peluang untuk unit hitam. Sebagai tindak balas separa, pemerintah membuat program penerbangan ketenteraan serba hitam di Institut Tuskegee di Alabama, tetapi dikritik oleh Afrika-Amerika kerana pemisahan berterusan. Walaupun begitu, dari tahun 1942 hingga 1946 hampir 1.000 juruterbang dan pengebom Afrika-Amerika dilatih di Medan Udara Tentera Tuskegee (Ala.) Yang terpisah dan 450 berkhidmat di luar negara. Pada bulan Mei 1943, juruterbang yang dilatih Tuskegee dihantar ke Afrika Utara untuk bergabung dengan Sekutu. Mereka dipimpin oleh Kapten Benjamin O. Davis Jr. ketika itu. Mereka terbang lebih dari 150,000 kapal perang ke Afrika Utara, Mediterranean, dan Eropah. Mereka mengawal pengebom Bersekutu sambil menghancurkan lebih dari 250 pesawat musuh di udara dan 150 lagi di darat. Pencapaian oleh Skuadron Fighter ke-99, terutama bekerjasama dengan Fighter Group ke-79 yang putih pada Oktober 1943, membantu mengatur tahap untuk penyatuan Tentera Udara. Tentera Udara Tuskegee membezakan diri dengan menjadi satu-satunya pengawal pejuang yang tidak pernah kehilangan pengebom akibat tindakan musuh. Pada 29 Mac 2007, tentera udara Tuskegee menerima Pingat Emas Kongres di Smithsonian Institution, penghormatan tertinggi yang diberikan Kongres kepada orang awam. Banyak doktor haiwan Tuskegee melakukan perjalanan ke Washington, D.C. untuk upacara tersebut. Presiden Bush dan Setiausaha Negara Powell memberikan komen. Presiden mengakui para veteran atas layanan mereka dalam menghadapi penghinaan perkauman yang tidak terkira banyaknya. Sejarah unitnya tidak banyak diketahui, tetapi filem 1995, Tentera Udara Tuskegee, melakukan banyak usaha untuk mempopularkan eksploitasi mereka. Menjelang akhir perang (1944-45) tentera mula bereksperimen dengan unit bersepadu untuk mengatasi kekurangan tenaga kerja semasa Pertempuran Bulge. Lapan puluh peratus pegawai kulit putih yang disurvei melaporkan bahawa tentera hitam telah melakukan & # 34 dengan sangat baik & # 34 dalam pertempuran 69 peratus tidak melihat sebab mengapa pasukan infanteri Afrika-Amerika tidak boleh menunjukkan prestasi yang baik dengan latihan dan pengalaman yang sama. Presiden bertindak Namun, di Amerika, perkauman berterusan. Ketika kembali doktor haiwan Afrika-Amerika menjadi mangsa keganasan di South Carolina dan Georgia, Presiden Harry S. Truman mengirim paket pembaharuan hak sivil kepada Kongres, dan sebagai ketua komandan, dia memerintahkan pemisahan angkatan bersenjata. Menjelang akhir Perang Korea (1953), tentera hampir habis, termasuk sekolah asas dan bas.

* Pada masa ini, keturunan Loyalis kulit hitam tinggal di Kanada. ** Pengecualian: Henry O. Flipper.


Kandungan

Edit Latar Belakang

Hamba Afrika pertama dibawa ke Amerika pada tahun 1619. [1] Ini baru sembilan tahun selepas peneroka Inggeris mewujudkan penempatan kekal pertama di Amerika, di Jamestown, Virginia. [2]

Abolitionists mula berusaha menjadikan perbudakan sebagai haram pada pertengahan 1700-an. [4] Menjelang tahun 1804, semua negeri utara telah mengakhiri perbudakan. [4] Namun, tidak ada negara bagian Selatan yang memiliki. [4] Negara-negara Selatan percaya bahawa perbudakan adalah hak mereka, dan mereka tidak mahu melepaskannya. Kapas telah menjadi tanaman yang sangat penting di Selatan. Pemilik ladang kapas besar terbiasa mempunyai hamba untuk melakukan pekerjaan secara percuma, yang menjadikan pemilik ladang lebih kaya kerana mereka tidak perlu membayar siapa pun untuk bekerja. [5] hlm.232-233

Akhirnya, Selatan cuba meninggalkan Amerika Syarikat. [5] hlm. 278 Ini menyebabkan Perang Saudara Amerika. Utara menang, dan pada tahun 1865, Pindaan Ketiga Belas kepada Perlembagaan Amerika Syarikat menjadikan perbudakan haram di mana-mana sahaja di negara ini. [6] Pada tahun 1868 dan 1870, Perubahan keempat belas dan kelima belas memberikan kewarganegaraan Afrika-Amerika, dan memberi mereka hak untuk memilih. [6]

Pengasingan berterusan di Edit Selatan

Kehilangan Perang Saudara tidak mengubah idea orang tentang orang Afrika-Amerika. Semasa hamba, pemilik hamba tidak melihat hamba sebagai manusia. Mereka melihatnya sebagai harta benda, barang untuk dibeli dan dijual, seperti haiwan yang akan anda gunakan di ladang. [2] Selepas Perang, banyak orang kulit putih masih tidak melihat orang Afrika-Amerika sama dengan orang kulit putih.

Mulai tahun 1890, badan perundangan serba putih di negara-negara Selatan mulai meluluskan undang-undang negara yang mengharuskan pemisahan. [7] Undang-undang rasis ini dikenali sebagai undang-undang Jim Crow. Contohnya, orang kulit hitam tidak boleh: [8]

  • Pergi ke sekolah, restoran, atau hospital yang sama dengan orang kulit putih
  • Gunakan bilik mandi yang sama dengan orang putih, atau minum dari air pancut yang sama
  • Duduk di hadapan orang kulit putih di dalam bas

Pada tahun 1896, dalam kes yang disebut Plessy lwn Ferguson, Mahkamah Agung memutuskan bahawa undang-undang ini sah. Mereka mengatakan bahawa pengasingan itu baik, asalkan semuanya "terpisah tetapi sama." [9] Di Selatan, semuanya terpisah. Walau bagaimanapun, tempat-tempat seperti sekolah hitam dan perpustakaan mendapat wang lebih sedikit dan tidak sebagus tempat untuk orang kulit putih. [9] [10] [11] Perkara itu terpisah, tetapi tidak sama.

Pengasingan menghalang orang Afrika-Amerika dari hak asasi yang telah ditulis oleh Bapa Pengasas ke dalam Perlembagaan Amerika Syarikat. Pembuat undang-undang, pegawai pemerintah, pegawai pengundian, dan pegawai polis semuanya berkulit putih. Ini menghalangi orang Afrika-Amerika tidak mempunyai suara dalam pemerintahan mereka untuk mendapatkan hak suara yang sama dengan orang kulit putih yang mempunyai pegawai polis melindungi mereka atau dapat mendapatkan keadilan atas kejahatan terhadap mereka. Oleh kerana mereka tidak dapat mengandalkan pasukan kepolisian putih untuk melindungi mereka, kekerasan terhadap orang Afrika-Amerika, terutama lynchings, meningkat. [11] Kerana orang Afrika-Amerika tidak dapat memilih, mereka juga tidak dapat bertugas dalam juri. [12] [13] Ini bermaksud bahawa jika orang kulit hitam pernah diadili atas kejahatan, juri akan berkulit putih.

Di Seluruh Amerika Syarikat Edit

Masalah terburuk di Selatan. Walau bagaimanapun, orang Afrika-Amerika mengalami pelbagai jenis pengasingan di tempat lain. [14]

Di seluruh Amerika Syarikat, pemisahan perumahan menjadi masalah. Ramai orang Afrika-Amerika tidak dapat gadai janji untuk membeli rumah. Realtors tidak akan menjual rumah orang kulit hitam di pinggir bandar, tempat tinggal orang kulit putih. Mereka juga tidak akan menyewa pangsapuri di kawasan putih. [15] Sehingga tahun 1950-an, kerajaan pusat tidak melakukan perkara ini. [15]

Ketika dia terpilih pada tahun 1913, Presiden Woodrow Wilson membuat pejabat pemerintah dipisahkan. Dia percaya bahawa pengasingan adalah yang terbaik untuk semua orang. [16]

Orang kulit hitam berperang dalam Perang Dunia I dan Perang Dunia II. Namun, tentera itu diasingkan pegawai kulit hitam bahkan harus memasuki beberapa pangkalan tentera melalui pintu masuk yang terpisah dari pegawai kulit putih. Askar kulit hitam juga tidak diberi peluang yang sama dengan tentera putih. Akhirnya, pada tahun 1948, Presiden Harry Truman memisahkan tentera. [17]

Aktivisme awal Edit

Orang Afrika Amerika cuba melawan diskriminasi dengan banyak cara. Sebahagian besarnya, mereka berusaha menggunakan mahkamah untuk mendapatkan keadilan. Sebagai contoh, pada tahun 1909, Persatuan Nasional untuk Kemajuan Orang Berwarna (NAACP) telah diwujudkan. Tujuannya adalah untuk mengakhiri diskriminasi kaum melalui tuntutan undang-undang, pendidikan, dan lobi. [18]

Namun, akhirnya, banyak orang Amerika Afrika menjadi kecewa dan mula tidak menyukai idea menggunakan strategi undang-undang yang perlahan untuk mencapai pengasingan. Sebagai gantinya, aktivis Afrika Amerika memutuskan untuk menggunakan gabungan protes, non-kekerasan, dan ketidaktaatan sipil. Beginilah bermulanya Gerakan Hak Sivil 1954-1968.

Pergerakan Hak Sivil Edit

Dari sekitar tahun 1954 hingga 1968, banyak orang Afrika-Amerika - dan sekutu kulit putih - berjuang untuk mengakhiri pemisahan antara kaum. Gerakan itu bergantung pada protes, aksi berdemo, perarakan, ketidaktaatan sivil, dan tuntutan hukum tanpa kekerasan. Kemenangannya merangkumi: [1]

  • Brown lwn Lembaga Pelajaran (1954) yang menjadikan pengasingan di sekolah sebagai haram
  • Boikot Montgomery Bus (1955-1956), yang mengakhiri semua pemisahan bas di Alabama
  • Mendapatkan tentera persekutuan untuk mengasingkan Little Rock Central High School untuk sembilan pelajar kulit hitam pertamanya (1957)
  • Sit-ins (1958-1960), yang memisahkan beberapa kedai, kaunter makan tengah hari, dan tempat lain di seluruh negara
  • Mendapatkan Askar Amerika Syarikat untuk memaksa Mississippi Southern College dan University of Alabama untuk membiarkan pelajar hitam pertama mereka
  • Menyingkirkan perniagaan di pusat bandar Birmingham, Alabama
  • Mendapatkan Akta Hak Sivil 1964, Akta Hak Mengundi tahun 1965, dan Akta Hak Sivil 1968 diluluskan. Undang-undang persekutuan ini menjadikannya tidak sah untuk mendiskriminasi orang kulit hitam, menjauhkan mereka dari mengundi, dan mencegah mereka memiliki perumahan yang adil

Kemenangan ini tidak mudah. Penunjuk perasaan sering diancam dan diserang. Rumah pemimpin dibom. [1] Di Birmingham, polisi menyerang para penunjuk perasaan, termasuk anak-anak, dengan anjing polis dan selang kebakaran, kemudian membawa mereka ke penjara. [19] Di bandar-bandar lain, polis memukul penunjuk perasaan dengan kelab dan melepaskan tunjuk perasaan pelajar. [1] Tiga pemimpin pergerakan itu - Martin Luther King, Jr, Malcolm X, dan Medgar Evers - dibunuh. [1]

Tidak ada yang tahu dengan tepat berapa banyak orang yang terbunuh semasa Pergerakan Hak Sivil. [20] Namun, sekurang-kurangnya 37 orang dibunuh, sama ada kerana mereka melakukan kerja hak sivil, atau kerana kumpulan kulit putih rasis seperti Ku Klux Klan dan Majlis Warga Putih ingin mengganas orang kulit hitam. [a] [21] Dua belas orang ini adalah kanak-kanak atau remaja ketika mereka dibunuh. [21]

Akhirnya, Gerakan berjaya membuang undang-undang yang membenarkan pemisahan. Namun, sikap lebih sukar diubah, dan perkauman masih ada di Amerika Syarikat.

Seorang lelaki kulit hitam minum dari air pancut "berwarna" di Kota Oklahoma (1939)

Masuk di projek perumahan di Detroit (1942)

Rosa Parks ditangkap kerana enggan duduk di belakang orang kulit putih di dalam bas (1955)

Tanda di tingkap restoran di Lancaster, Ohio

Marshall A.S. melindungi Ruby Bridges, 6 tahun, satu-satunya anak kulit hitam di sekolah Louisiana (1960)

Pada awal 1800-an, Amerika Syarikat berkembang lebih jauh ke Selatan. Orang kulit putih Amerika mahukan lebih banyak tanah untuk menanam kapas. Namun, banyak suku asli Amerika berbeza di negeri-negeri yang ingin diambil alih oleh Amerika Syarikat. [22]

Andrew Jackson adalah penyokong besar "penyingkiran India" - meyakinkan atau memaksa Orang Asli Amerika untuk meninggalkan Selatan dan bergerak ke barat, di luar Amerika Syarikat. Pertama sebagai Mejar Jeneral di Angkatan Darat Amerika Syarikat, dan kemudian sebagai Presiden, dia mengetuai program "penyingkiran India" Amerika Syarikat. [22]

Penyingkiran India Edit

Program ini bermula pada tahun 1814, ketika Jackson memimpin sekumpulan tentera yang mengalahkan orang Indian Creek. Dia memaksa mereka untuk menandatangani perjanjian yang menyerahkan lebih dari 20 juta ekar tanah mereka kepada Amerika Syarikat. Selama sepuluh tahun berikutnya, Jackson meminta sembilan suku lain untuk menandatangani perjanjian menyerahkan tanah mereka. [22]

Pada tahun 1829, Jackson menjadi Presiden. Pada tahun yang sama, emas ditemui di Georgia, yang menyebabkan berlakunya emas. [23] Ini menjadikan orang kulit putih di Amerika Syarikat lebih menginginkan penguasaan wilayah Selatan. Pada tahun 1830, Jackson meluluskan Undang-Undang Penghapusan India pada tahun 1830. [24] Undang-undang ini mengatakan Jackson dapat memberikan tanah di sebelah barat Sungai Mississippi kepada suku-suku India jika mereka setuju untuk menyerahkan tanah mereka di Selatan. Undang-undang itu berjanji kepada suku-suku bahawa mereka dapat tinggal di tanah baru mereka selamanya, dan dilindungi oleh pemerintah Amerika Syarikat. [24] Pada saat presidennya berakhir pada tahun 1837, Jackson telah meminta orang Asli Amerika untuk menandatangani hampir 70 perjanjian menyerahkan tanah mereka. Hampir 50,000 penduduk asli Amerika berpindah ke "Wilayah India" di sebelah barat Sungai Mississippi. Namun, pemerintah sudah memiliki rencana untuk memaksa mereka memasuki wilayah yang lebih kecil, di wilayah Oklahoma timur. [22]

Jejak Air Mata Edit

Bangsa Cherokee enggan meninggalkan tanah mereka. Mereka bahkan membuat Mahkamah Agung Amerika Serikat memutuskan bahawa mereka berdaulat dan tidak perlu mengikuti undang-undang Amerika Syarikat. [25] Jackson tidak mengendahkan keputusan ini. Pada tahun 1835, dia mendapat sekumpulan kecil Cherokee untuk menandatangani perjanjian yang bersetuju untuk meninggalkan tanah mereka. [26] Bangsa Cherokee yang selebihnya berusaha menjaga tanah mereka. Namun, pada tahun 1838, Tentera Amerika Syarikat dan milisi Georgia memaksa mereka meninggalkan tanah mereka. [27] Mengenai apa yang dikenal sebagai "Jejak Air Mata", sekitar 15.000 Cherokee terpaksa berjalan sejauh 2,000 batu ke Oklahoma. [28] Kira-kira 4,000 mati dalam perjalanan. [29] [30]

Menjelang tahun 1840-an, kecuali beberapa orang India Seminole yang tinggal di Florida, tidak ada orang Asli Amerika yang tinggal di Amerika Selatan. [22]

Edit Tempahan

Pada tahun 1851, Kongres Amerika Syarikat meluluskan undang-undang yang mewujudkan tempahan India di Oklahoma. [31] Peneroka kulit putih sudah mulai berpindah ke tanah yang dipaksa penduduk Asli Amerika. Ini menyebabkan konflik antara orang kulit putih dan penduduk asli Amerika. Tujuan tempahan adalah untuk memisahkan penduduk asli Amerika dari peneroka kulit putih. [31]

Pada tahun 1868, Presiden Ulysses S. Grant memutuskan untuk membuat lebih banyak tempahan, dan memaksa suku-suku Asli Amerika yang tinggal di barat untuk berpindah ke mereka. [32] Seiring dengan memisahkan penduduk asli Amerika dan membersihkan tanah mereka untuk pemakaian putih, Grant merancang agar pegawai gereja menjalankan tempahan agar mereka dapat mengajar agama Kristian kepada suku. [33]

Kekuasaan kerajaan [persekutuan] mengatasi sisa-sisa perlumbaan ini yang dahulunya kuat. adalah perlu untuk perlindungan mereka dan juga keselamatan orang-orang di mana mereka [tinggal].
- Mahkamah Agung, di A.S. Kagama [34]

Banyak suku enggan meninggalkan tanah mereka, dan dipaksa mendapat tempahan oleh Angkatan Darat Amerika Syarikat. Sekiranya penduduk asli Amerika meninggalkan tempahan mereka, tentera akan mengejar mereka untuk memaksa mereka kembali ke tempat tempahan. Ini menyebabkan pembunuhan orang Asli Amerika, dan beberapa perang.

Pada tahun 1887, Kongres meluluskan Akta Dawes. [35] Undang-undang ini berhenti memberikan tanah kepada seluruh suku, dan memecah-belah tanah menjadi potongan kecil untuk digunakan setiap keluarga untuk bertani. Orang-orang India yang mengambil tanah, mulai tinggal sendiri dan bukannya dengan suku mereka, dan mulai bertani dipandang sebagai "beradab," dan mereka dijadikan warganegara Amerika Syarikat. [35] Orang India yang enggan memisahkan diri lebih banyak di sebidang tanah kecil tidak dibenarkan menjadi warganegara. Apa sahaja tanah yang tersisa dijual kepada peneroka kulit putih, yang menjadikan tempahan lebih kecil. [35]

Tidak sampai tahun 1975 Mahkamah Agung memutuskan bahawa suku-suku berdaulat atas tanah suku dan anggota suku tersebut. [36]

Pada tahun 2015, semua tempahan India di Amerika Syarikat, bersama-sama, berkeluasan 87.800 batu persegi - kawasan seluas Idaho. [37] However, Native Americans are now allowed to live or work anywhere they want to, and as of 2016, more than half have left the reservations. [37]


The Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated the United States

By Richard Rothstein

Racial segregation characterizes every metropolitan area in the United States and bears responsibility for our most serious social and economic problems — it corrupts our criminal justice system, exacerbates economic inequality, and produces large academic gaps between white and African American schoolchildren. We’ve taken no serious steps to desegregate neighborhoods, however, because we are hobbled by a national myth that residential segregation is de facto — the result of private discrimination or personal choices that do not violate constitutional rights. In truth, however, residential segregation was created by racially explicit and unconstitutional government policy in the mid-20th century, including the racially explicit federal subsidization of whites-only suburbs in which African Americans were prohibited from participating. Only after learning the history of these policies can we be prepared to undertake the national conversations necessary to remedy our unconstitutional racial landscape.

Such a national conversation is now possible. Without minimizing the terrible dangers of today’s resurgent white supremacist activity, we also should take hope from the reaction to it: a widespread willingness to confront, in many cases for the first time, the history of African American subjugation. Our previous failure, even refusal to do so, has impeded our ability to eliminate the racial caste conditions that permeate U.S. society.

Not to be underestimated is the wave of Confederate monument removals across the South, and the acknowledgement that these monuments were erected not after the Civil War to commemorate the misguided heroism of Confederate soldiers, but rather during the Jim Crow and post-Brown v. Board of Education eras, for the purpose of celebrating slavery and its residues in second-class citizenship. Who could have imagined, even a few years ago, that a white elected politician in the South, presiding over the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue, would proclaim that Confederate monuments celebrated a system “where hundreds of thousands of souls were bought, sold, and shipped up the Mississippi River to lives of forced labor of misery, of rape, of torture.”

Speaking to his fellow citizens in New Orleans of how we mis-celebrate our history, Mayor Mitch Landrieu continued:

America was the place where nearly 4,000 of our fellow citizens were lynched, 540 alone in Louisiana where the courts enshrined “separate but equal” where Freedom Riders coming to New Orleans were beaten to a bloody pulp. So when people say to me that the monuments in question are history, well, what I just described is real history as well, and it is the searing truth.

And it immediately begs the questions, why there are no slave ship monuments, no prominent markers on public land to remember the lynchings or the slave blocks nothing to remember this long chapter of our lives the pain, the sacrifice, the shame. . . all of it happening on the soil of New Orleans. So for those self-appointed defenders of history and the monuments, they are eerily silent on what amounts to this historical malfeasance, a lie by omission. There is a difference between remembrance of history and reverence of it.

Recognition of historic wrongs is an essential predicate of the resolve to correct them. As another Southern white politician, Joseph Riley Jr., mayor of Charleston, South Carolina from 1975 to 2016, recently put it, only after we “acknowledge the burden so many were forced to bear, and set the table for a deeper inquiry into the past we all share, [can] we begin to heal the wounds of racial injustice, bridge the gulf that divides us still and come together at last around a common understanding of who we truly are as American people.”

My recent book, The Color of Law, has become relevant only because of this new willingness to confront the reality of our racial history — as a first step toward remedy. It tells a “forgotten history of how our government segregated America,” resulting in the concentration of African Americans in segregated neighborhoods in every metropolitan area of the nation, not only in the South, but in the North, Midwest, and West as well. The book explains that the Constitution requires knowledge of this history before we can enact policies to integrate our communities.

That’s because the Supreme Court has made a distinction between de facto dan de jure segregation. De facto segregation is racial concentrations that result from private prejudice, discriminatory practices of rogue real estate agents, personal choices to live with same-race neighbors, or income differences that have kept low-income families from moving to middle-class communities. De jure segregation, in contrast, results not from private activity but from government law and policy that violated the Fifth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth amendments to the federal constitution.

The Supreme Court has said that if segregation is de facto, there is little we can do to correct it. What happened by accident can only be undone by accident. But if segregation has been created de jure, by government’s explicit racial policies, not only are we permitted to remedy it, we are required to do so.

We share a national myth that residential segregation is de facto. It is a myth embraced not only by conservatives, but by liberals as well. It is perpetuated by our standard high school history curriculum, in which commonly used textbooks routinely describe segregation in the North as de facto, mysteriously evolved without government direction. Yet, as The Color of Law recounts, the myth is false. Federal, state, and local governments deliberately segregated residential areas of every metropolitan area of the nation, designed to ensure that African Americans and whites would have to live separately.

For example, the federal government purposefully placed public housing in high-poverty, racially isolated neighborhoods to concentrate the black population. And it created a whites-only mortgage insurance program to shift the white population from urban neighborhoods to exclusively white suburbs. The Internal Revenue Service granted tax exemptions for charitable activity to organizations that openly enforced neighborhood racial homogeneity. Government-licensed realtors, with the open support of state regulators, enforced a “code of ethics” that prohibited the sale of homes to African Americans in white neighborhoods. In thousands of cases, police forces organized and supported mob violence to drive black families out of homes on the white side of racial boundaries. Federal and state regulators sanctioned the refusal of the banking, thrift, and insurance industries to make loans to homeowners in other-race communities.

By the time the federal government reversed its policy of subsidizing segregation in 1962, and by the time the Fair Housing Act banned private discrimination in 1968, the residential patterns of major metropolitan areas were set. White suburbs that had been affordable to the black working class in the 1940s, 50s, and 60s were now no longer so, both because of the increase in housing prices (and whites’ home equity) during that period, and because other federal policies had depressed black incomes while supporting those of whites. At the beginning of the New Deal the National Recovery Act established industrial wages at lower levels for industries where black workers predominated later, Social Security and Fair Labor Standards legislation excluded from coverage occupations in which African Americans predominated, for example, agriculture and domestic service. It was not until 1964 that the National Labor Relations Board for the first time refused to certify a union’s exclusive bargaining status because it openly refused to represent black workers.

Open housing demonstration in Seattle, October 20, 1963. Image: Seattle Post-Intelligencer Collection.

I’ve summarized some of these policies on Terry Gross’s radio program, Fresh Air. But my articles and The Color of Law are not the only sources for correcting the de facto myth. Ta-Nehisi Coates, for example, in “The Case for Reparations” and other articles in The Atlantic, also tells part of this story. Several scholars have done the same.

We promote the myth of de facto segregation by mis-teaching our young people about our past. When I was researching The Color of Law, I examined high school history textbooks that were commonly in use during the early years of this decade, and was shocked by their mendacity in describing racial history. For example, in the more than 1,200 pages of the widely used high school textbook The Americans, a single paragraph was devoted to 20th-century “Discrimination in the North.” That paragraph included one sentence on residential segregation, stating that “African Americans found themselves forced into segregated neighborhoods,” with no further explanation of how this happened or how public policy was responsible.

Another widely used high school textbook, Pearson’s United States History, also attributed segregation to mysterious forces: “In the North, too, African Americans faced segregation and discrimination. Even where there were no explicit laws, de facto segregation, or segregation by unwritten custom or tradition, was a fact of life. African Americans in the North were denied housing in many neighborhoods.” The passive voice construction — “were denied” — is not just bad writing, it hides who exactly denied housing to African Americans.

The popular high school textbook History Alive! also teaches a distorted view by suggesting that segregation was only a problem in the South. “Even New Deal agencies,” it says, “practiced racial segregation, especially in the South,” failing to explain that the New Deal’s Public Works Administration initiated the nationwide civilian public housing program by demolishing integrated neighborhoods even in the North to build segregated projects in their place, or that the New Deal’s Federal Housing Administration denied loan guarantees to developers of suburbs wherever the danger of “infiltration” of “incompatible racial groups” was present.

Such indoctrination of today’s high school students minimizes the possibility of progress toward equality when these students become our country’s leaders. As New Orleans’ Mayor Landrieu put it, referring to the South’s glorification of Confederate leaders, “We justify our silence and inaction by manufacturing noble causes that marinate in historical denial.” This is equally true of the de facto myth we have manufactured about how our nation became segregated. The next generation will do no better a job than our generation has done of progressing toward a better future, unless we teach our young people a less-sanitized version of the past.

This article is part of the Zinn Education Project’s If We Knew Our History series.

© 2017 The Zinn Education Project, a project of Rethinking Schools and Teaching for Change.

Richard Rothstein is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) and senior fellow of the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy at the University of California (Berkeley) School of Law. He is the author of numerous books including The Color of Law.

Related Resources

How Red Lines Built White Wealth: A Lesson on Housing Segregation in the 20th Century

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Burned Out of Homes and History: Unearthing the Silenced Voices of the Tulsa Massacre

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Kandungan

Latar belakang

The first African slaves were brought to America in 1619. Ώ] This was just nine years after British settlers created the first permanent settlement in America, at Jamestown, Virginia. ΐ]

Abolitionists started trying to make slavery illegal in the mid-1700s. Β] By 1804, all of the northern states had ended slavery. Β] However, none of the Southern states had. Β] The Southern states believed that slavery was their right, and they did not want to give it up. Cotton had become a very important crop in the South. Owners of large cotton plantations were used to having slaves to do work for free, which made the plantation owners richer because they did not have to pay anybody to work. Γ] pp.𧇨–233

Eventually, the South tried to leave the United States. Γ] p.𧈖 This caused the American Civil War. The North won, and in 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution made slavery illegal everywhere in the country. Δ] In 1868 and 1870, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments gave African-Americans citizenship, and gave them the right to vote. Δ]

Segregation continues in the South

Losing the Civil War did not change people's ideas about African-American people. During slavery, slave owners had not seen slaves as humans. They saw them as property, things to buy and sell, like animals you would use on a farm. ΐ] After the War, many white people still did not see African-Americans as equal to whites.

Starting in 1890, the all-white legislatures in the Southern states began to pass state laws that required segregation. Ε] These racist laws became known as Jim Crow laws. For example, blacks could not: Ζ]

  • Go to the same schools, restaurants, or hospitals as whites
  • Use the same bathrooms as whites, or drink from the same water fountains
  • Sit in front of whites on buses

In 1896, in a case called Plessy lwn Ferguson, the Supreme Court ruled that these laws were legal. They said that segregation was fine, as long as things were "separate but equal." Η] In the South, everything was separate. However, places like black schools and libraries got much less money and were not as good as places for whites. Η] ⎖] ⎗] Things were separate, but not equal.

Segregation kept African-Americans from having the basic rights that the Founding Fathers had written into the Constitution of the United States. Law-makers, government officials, voting officials, and police officers were all white. This prevented African-Americans from having any say in their government being able to get the same voting rights as white people having police officers protect them or being able to get justice for crimes against them. Because they could not count on all-white police forces to protect them, violence against African-Americans, especially lynchings, increased. ⎗] Because African-Americans could not vote, they also could not serve on juries. ⎘] ⎙] This meant that if a black person was ever on trial for a crime, the jury would be all-white.

Across the United States

Problems were worst in the South. However, African-Americans went through different kinds of segregation in other places. ⎚]

Across the United States, segregation in housing was a problem. Many African-Americans could not get mortgages to buy houses. Realtors would not sell black people houses in the suburbs, where white people lived. They also would not rent apartments in white areas. ⎛] Until the 1950s, the federal government did nothing about this. ⎛]

When he was elected in 1913, President Woodrow Wilson made government offices segregated. He believed that segregation was best for everyone. ⎜]

Black people fought in both World War I and World War II. However, the military was segregated black officers even had to enter some military bases through separate entrances from white officers. Black soldiers also were not given the same opportunities as white soldiers. Finally, in 1948, President Harry Truman de-segregated the military. ⎝]

Early activism

African Americans tried to fight back against discrimination in many ways. Mostly, they tried to use the courts to get justice. For example, in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was created. Its goal was to end race discrimination through lawsuits, education, and lobbying. ⎞]

However, eventually, many African Americans became frustrated and began to dislike the idea of using slow, legal strategies to achieve desegregation. Instead, African American activists decided to use a combination of protests, nonviolence, and civil disobedience. This is how the Civil Rights Movement of 1954-1968 began.

Civil Rights Movement

From about 1954 to 1968, many African-American people – and white allies – fought to end racial segregation. The movement depended on non-violent protests, sit-ins, marches, civil disobedience, and lawsuits. Its victories included: Ώ]

  • Brown v. Board of Education (1954) which made segregation in schools illegal
  • The Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956), which ended all bus segregation in Alabama
  • Getting federal soldiers to de-segregate Little Rock Central High School for its first nine black students (1957)
  • Sit-ins (1958-1960), which de-segregated some stores, lunch counters, and other places throughout the country
  • Getting United States Soldiers to force the Mississippi Southern College and the University of Alabama to let in their first black students
  • De-segregating businesses in downtownBirmingham, Alabama
  • Getting the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968 passed. These federal laws made it illegal to discriminate against black people, keep them from voting, and keep them from having fair housing

These victories were not easy. Protesters were often threatened and attacked. Leaders' homes were bombed. Ώ] In Birmingham, the police attacked protesters, including children, with police dogs and fire hoses, then took them to jail. ⎟] In other cities, police beat protesters with clubs and fired into student protests. Ώ] Three of the movement's leaders – Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and Medgar Evers – were murdered. Ώ]

Nobody knows exactly how many people were killed during the Civil Rights Movement. ⎠] However, at least 37 people were murdered, either because they were doing civil rights work, or because racist white groups like the Ku Klux Klan and the White Citizens' Council wanted to terrorize black people. [a] ⎡] Twelve of these people were children or teenagers when they were murdered. ⎡]

Eventually, the Movement was successful in removing the laws that allowed segregation. However, attitudes are harder to change, and racism still exists in the United States.

A black man drinks from a "colored" drinking fountain in Oklahoma City (1939)

Sign at a housing project in Detroit (1942)

Rosa Parks is arrested for refusing to sit behind a white person on a bus (1955)

A sign on a restaurant window in Lancaster, Ohio

U.S. Marshals protect 6-year-old Ruby Bridges, the only black child in a Louisiana school (1960)


History of Racial Segregation in The United States

Racial segregation in the United States, as a general term, included the racial segregation or hypersegregation of facilities, services, and opportunities such as housing, medical care, education, employment, and transportation along racial lines. The expression refers primarily to the legally or socially enforced separation of African Americans from other races, but can more loosely refer to voluntary separation, and also to separation of other racial or ethnic minorities from the majority mainstream society and communities.

Racial segregation in the United States has meant the physical separation and provision of separate facilities (especially during the Jim Crow era), but it can also refer to other manifestations of racial discrimination such as separation of roles within an institution, such as the United States Armed Forces up to the 1950s when black units were typically separated from white units but were led by white officers.

Racial segregation in the United States can be divided into de jure dan de facto segregation. De jure segregation, sanctioned or enforced by force of law, was stopped by federal enforcement of a series of Supreme Court decisions after Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. The process of throwing off legal segregation in the United States lasted through much of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s when civil rights demonstrations resulted in public opinion turning against enforced segregation. De facto segregation — segregation "in fact" — persists to varying degrees without sanction of law to the present day. The contemporary racial segregation seen in America in residential neighborhoods has been shaped by public policies, mortgage discrimination and redlining among other things.

Hypersegregation is a form of racial segregation that consists of the geographical grouping of racial groups. Most often, this occurs in cities where the residents of the inner city are African Americans and the suburbs surrounding this inner core are often white European American residents. The idea of hypersegregation gained credibility in 1989 due to the work of Douglas Massey and Nancy A. Denton and their studies of "American Apartheid" when whites created the black ghetto during the first half of the 20th century in order to isolate growing urban black populations by segregation among inner-city African-Americans.

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[. ] On the 2nd of July 1964, what is probably the most important law against discrimination ever voted in the United States was declared. The Civil Rights Act, implemented by President Johnson, officially affirmed that any form of discrimination, at school, at work, in the army, in public transportion and public places was forbidden. It was the beginning of the Affirmative Action, whose aim was to integrate blacks into professional world, by imposing quotas. Almost a year later, in July 1965, Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, which allowed black people to vote in every state of America, without any condition. [. ]

[. ] Today, in the USA percent of the population is black percent of the people in prison are black percent of the people given the death sentence are black percent of the black people are#poor. The amount of deaths of black babies at birth is two times larger than whites'. Life expectancy is 6 years longer for white people. " This somehow shows that people aren't yet equal years after the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizen. [. ]

[. ] During the national anthem, they raised their hand, wearing a black glove, symbolizing the protest American blacks were fighting for. The black glove is the symbol of an organization called the Back Panthers, engaged against racism. After the incindent, they weren't allowed to run anymore in international competitions for having shown a politic sign. " Though King's fight changed some people's minds, a lot of people still think that it is normal for the blacks not to have the same rights as white people. [. ]

[. ] Sadly, racial segregation has a long history in the United States. The seperation between blacks and whites is deeply-rooted in American history because of its constitution, which established in 1787 that the weight of a black man was three-fifths of a white man. It also marked slavery as a constitutional fact. " Concretely, racial segregation touched colored people in as various fields as education, transports, employement and access to culture. It was based on the fact that black and white people didn't have the same rights. [. ]

[. ] The boycott lasted for 382 days, the situation becoming so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States Supreme Court decision outlawing racial segregations on all public transport. ! In 1957, a group called SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) was created by Martin Luther King to lead non-violent protests in order to make black and white people equal. This year, he walked more than kilometers and gave 208 speeches all over the USA. [. ]


When Did Segregation Start and End?

Legal segregation began in 1896 when the Supreme Court sanctioned legal separation of the black and white races in the ruling H.A. Plessy v. J.H. Ferguson, but the decision was overruled in 1954. The Supreme Court in 1896 stated that separate but equal facilities did not violate the 14th Amendment however, it changed its mind thanks to the decision stemming from Brown v. Board of Education in 1954.

After the United States abolished slavery, the country passed three new Constitutional amendments to give newly freed African Americans legal status. The 13th Amendment abolished slavery, while the 14th Amendment provided citizenship to the newly freed slaves. The 15th Amendment guaranteed the right to vote. However, the Supreme Court handed down a series of judgments and rulings that put blacks in a different category from whites by law. This made the African Americans second-class citizens. They were forced via private action to separate themselves from the white people in areas such as transportation, public accommodations, recreational facilities, prisons, schools and even the armed forces.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was formed in 1909. The NAACP began a struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination and segregation that was prevalent in the American life, which culminated in the Supreme Court's landmark decision in 1954.


Segregation in the United States - HISTORY

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The Civil Rights Act of 1964: A Long Struggle for Freedom The Segregation Era (1900&ndash1939)

As segregation tightened and racial oppression escalated across the United States, some leaders of the African American community, often called the talented tenth, began to reject Booker T. Washington’s conciliatory approach. W. E. B. Du Bois and other black leaders channeled their activism by founding the Niagara Movement in 1905. Later, they joined white reformers in 1909 to form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Early in its fight for equality, the NAACP used the federal courts to challenge disenfranchisement and residential segregation. Job opportunities were the primary focus of the National Urban League, which was established in 1910.

During the Great Migration (1910&ndash1920), African Americans by the thousands poured into industrial cities to find work and later to fill labor shortages created by World War I. Though they continued to face exclusion and discrimination in employment, as well as some segregation in schools and public accommodations, Northern black men faced fewer barriers to voting. As their numbers increased, their vote emerged as a crucial factor in elections. The war and migration bolstered a heightened self-confidence in African Americans that manifested in the New Negro Movement of the 1920s. Evoking the “New Negro,” the NAACP lobbied aggressively for a federal anti-lynching law.

In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal provided more federal support to African Americans than at any time since Reconstruction. Even so, New Deal legislation and policies continued to allow considerable discrimination. During the mid-thirties the NAACP launched a legal campaign against de jure (according to law) segregation, focusing on inequalities in public education. By 1936, the majority of black voters had abandoned their historic allegiance to the Republican Party and joined with labor unions, farmers, progressives, and ethnic minorities in assuring President Roosevelt’s landslide re-election. The election played a significant role in shifting the balance of power in the Democratic Party from its Southern bloc of white conservatives towards this new coalition.

NAACP Founder William English Walling

William English Walling (1877&ndash1936) was a prominent socialist and journalist. He was a founder of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, the Women’s Trade Union League, the Social Democratic League, and the NAACP. In 1908 he traveled to Springfield, Illinois, to investigate a recent race riot in which whites had targeted blacks. In his article, The Race War in the North, Walling declared: “the spirit of the abolitionists, of Lincoln and Lovejoy, must be revived and we must come to treat the negro on a plane of absolute political and social equality.” He appealed for a “large and powerful body of citizens to come to [blacks] aid.” The article aroused the conscience of Mary White Ovington, who wrote a letter to Walling offering her support.

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NAACP Founder Mary White Ovington

Mary White Ovington (1865&ndash1951), a social worker and freelance writer, was a principal NAACP founder and officer for almost forty years. Born in Brooklyn, New York, into a wealthy abolitionist family, she became a socialist while a student at Radcliffe College. Ovington befriended W.E.B. Du Bois in 1904, when she was researching her first book, Half a Man (1911), about black Manhattan. In 1906 she covered the Niagara Movement and the Atlanta anti-black riot for the Pos Petang New York. Ovington played a crucial role in the NAACP’s evolution. She recruited women into the ranks, mediated disputes, and guided the transition to black leadership. She served as secretary (1911&ndash1912), acting secretary, treasurer, and board chairman.

Mary White Ovington, ca. 1910. Reproduction. NAACP Collection, Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress (318.00.00)

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The Founding of the NAACP

William English Walling’s (1877&ndash1936) exposé about a bloody race riot in Springfield, Illinois, Abraham Lincoln’s hometown and burial site, resulted in the assembly of an interracial group to discuss proposals for an organization that would advocate the civil and political rights of African Americans in January 1909. The group issued a “call” resulting in the first National Negro Conference held in New York on May 31 and June 1, 1909. At the second annual meeting on May 12, 1910, the Committee adopted the formal name of the organization&mdashthe National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The NAACP’s goals were the abolition of segregation, discrimination, disenfranchisement, and racial violence, particularly lynching.

Platform adopted by the National Negro Committee. Printed document, 1909. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (019.00.00)

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The Pink Franklin Case

The NAACP undertook its first major legal case in 1910 by defending Pink Franklin, a black South Carolina sharecropper accused of murder. When Franklin did not show up for work after receiving an advance on his wages, a warrant was sworn for his arrest. Armed policemen arrived at Franklin’s cabin before dawn to serve the warrant and shots were fired, killing one officer. Franklin, who claimed self-defense, was convicted and sentenced to death. The NAACP interceded and Franklin’s sentence was commuted to life in prison. He was set free in 1919. In this letter, Albert Pillsbury, an attorney and NAACP founder, recommends an appeal to South Carolina Governor Martin F. Ansel.

Albert Pillsbury to NAACP Secretary Mary White Ovington, July 26, 1910. Typed letter. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (021.00.00)


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